Monday, December 26, 2011

Fears over Chinese need

IF YOU were to employ the eye of an archaeologist along an old track starting at the seaside village of Robe across the South Australian border and head into Victoria, crossing the Glenelg River at Casterton, skirting the Grampians and wending your way to Ballarat and Bendigo, you would find evidence of an astonishing journey that is all but unknown these days.

You might find the remnants of market gardens planted every 20 kilometres or so. If you looked hard enough you'd come across the remnants of wells dug to slake the thirst of worn-down travellers. In the dust you might even uncover strange coins with holes bored in them - ''holey dollars'' discarded in disgust when their bearers discovered they were worthless in Australia. Here, then, is a forgotten road taken by thousands of Chinese into the heart of the Australian story.

As the Greens and the Nationals and Assistant Treasurer Bill Shorten wrestle with the current spectre of Chinese interests buying up Australian farmland for mining, let's puddle around in the past in order to seek a little perspective.

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What happened in Robe and on the road east to Victoria a century and a half ago remains instructive about Australia's ambivalent relationship with the Chinese and the futility of using heavy-handed rules to keep a determined people at bay.

Robe is nothing these days beyond a rather lovely little fishing port. Known for its crayfish, it sits within Guichen Bay about 130 kilometres beyond the Victorian border, which is why it became important so long ago to the Chinese.

As the hopeful and the desperate hustled to Victoria from all points of the world in the 1850s to seek their rake-off of the gold said to be there for the taking, the colonial authorities became alarmed by the arrival of shiploads of Chinese.

It was all right, apparently, for cut-throats and vulgarians and conmen and ladies of a certain reputation to stream in from California, Ireland and Britain, populating the diggings like a cast from Deadwood. The more the merrier, as long as they weren't Chinese.

No matter that the Chinese arrivals worked harder and lived quieter than just about everyone else on the goldfields. Why, they wore pigtails, ate rice and vegetables instead of mutton, smoked opium instead of drinking rotgut, didn't speak English and just looked different. And because most of them had taken out loans to get to Australia and maintained responsibility for their families, they sent home any money they made.

So unpopular were the Chinese that by 1855, four years after the rush began, the government passed an act imposing a £10 poll tax for each Chinese passenger landed at a Victorian port. This was about the same as a passenger's entire fare from China. To make it harder, ships were limited to carrying one Chinese passenger for each 10 tons of the ship's weight. To top it off, a stiff duty was applied to opium.

The lucrative Chinese transport business looked endangered until the wily old captains studied the map. There was no poll tax in South Australia, the state authorities levied a much smaller tax on opium than those in Victoria, and the port of Robe was just beyond Victoria's border (although about 440 kilometres from the gold diggings). The first ship-load of ''celestials'' arrived in Robe in 1857. They were the first of more than 16,000 of their nation's fellows to pass through the tiny town (population 200 at the time) and set off on the long, fraught trek to Ballarat, Bendigo and Beechworth.

Groups were guided for a fee by bullockies across the strange, sparsely populated countryside.

Some of the smarter entrepreneurs dropped off long before the goldfields and established market gardens to feed the stream of travellers to come. Wells were dug to guarantee fresh water. Many hung their belongings from wooden yokes balanced on their shoulders, and for decades afterwards scores of these yokes, tossed aside by the exhausted, were found rotting by the track.

In short, Victoria's shamefully xenophobic legislation failed utterly. The Chinese, like all the others desperate for a chance at fortune, kept coming. They simply found another route around the regulations, however difficult it may have proved, and struck out for gold.

Once gold fever receded, Australian politicians sought a more drastic solution. The White Australia policy was aimed at keeping Chinese out of Australia, even if no country town considered itself complete unless it had a Chinese restaurant. The policy achieved little but ensured that Australia played no constructive part in its own geographic region for more than half the 20th century, artificially propping up its economy behind a protective wall that stultified innovation while Asia set about preparing itself as the power of the century to come.

And here we are. In 2011, there is uproar because Chinese companies have bought 47 NSW farms at a cost of $213 million. The federal government, apparently caught by surprise and assailed by the Greens and Nationals, is scrabbling to find out who owns what in the nation's agricultural areas and considering how (or whether) it can limit foreign ownership.

Yet ever since Europeans arrived in Australia, foreign interests have owned great swaths of the nation's land, resources, industry and infrastructure. Australia's population and domestic wealth have never been enough to drive the sort of development its inhabitants demand. In what is known inelegantly as a ''globalised'' world, any economy that tried to remain an island would sink without trace.

Indeed, Australians seem happy to enjoy a lifestyle funded heavily by Chinese demand for our resources. But now they're coming out here and buying farms, as if they were from any of the other numerous foreign nationalities that have owned Australian land for the past 200 years … why, that's a step too far, apparently. Next they'll want to dig for gold again.

By all means Australia should work out who owns what, set its own rules on what can and what can't be sold and debate the wisdom or lack of it in allowing foreign investment in food-growing land.

But before the Greens and Nationals run away with themselves trying to argue that the Chinese are different because their businesses are effectively owned by the Chinese government, the story of Robe ought to be recalled. It's not just wrong-headed to single out a nationality for special treatment. It doesn't work.

Chinese Australians

Chinese Australians owed apology for discrimination against forebears

The worst anti-Chinese riots in Australian history occurred 150 years ago today on the Burrangong goldfields of Lambing Flat, near Young, NSW. Anti-Chinese immigration laws had been introduced six years earlier, in 1855, by the Colony of Victoria and every colonial government followed with similar legislation.

This eventually led, upon Federation, to the Immigration Restriction Act 1901 or the White Australia Policy, which was in place until 1973. For nearly 120 years the Chinese were treated in this country as lesser human beings.

Why then have Chinese Australians, who were subjected to discriminatory policies for such a long period, not done anything to right these wrongs? Surely we do not have to wait as long as the first citizens of this country to get an apology and be recognised for the contributions we have made to the country we call home. It is only now that there are stirrings in the Chinese Australian community to have past wrongs recognised for what they were.

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The beginnings date back to the Gold Rush when, to restrict the number of Chinese entering Australia, Victoria passed an act to regulate the conveyance of passengers to Victoria. South Australia followed with an act to make provision for levying a charge on Chinese arriving in South Australia, while NSW enacted the Chinese Immigrant Regulation and Restriction Act of 1861. These acts applied an entrance or head tax, as well as regulating the number of Chinese passengers a ship was allowed to carry.

These discriminatory practices led to the infamous White Australia Policy, which incorporated a dictation test (not necessarily in English) and was aimed at keeping non-whites (mainly Chinese) from entering Australia. The dictation test remained until 1958 and the last vestiges of the policy were removed by Gough Whitlam's Labor government in 1973. Little did I know when I arrived in Sydney as a New Zealand citizen in 1964 that the Immigration Restriction Act applied to me and I (unlike white New Zealanders) was required to have an entry visa.

Other countries, such as New Zealand and Canada, followed this Australian precedent of using a head or poll tax as an immigration restriction measure. New Zealand adopted the practice with a £10 entry tax, later increased to £100 (my father was one of those who had to pay), and Canada imposed a poll tax on the Chinese in 1885. The tax was repealed by Canada in 1923 and by New Zealand in 1944.

The Chinese in New Zealand, Canada and the US have received apologies and reparations for these discriminatory policies. On Chinese New Year in 2002, the New Zealand prime minister, Helen Clark, said: "I wish to announce today that the government has decided to make a formal apology to those Chinese people who paid the poll tax and suffered other discrimination imposed by statute, and to their descendants.

''With respect to the poll tax we recognise the considerable hardship it imposed and that the cost of it and the impact of other discriminatory immigration practices split families apart . . . We believe this act of reconciliation is required to ensure that full closure can be reached on this chapter in our nation's history."

Her government contributed $NZ5 million to establish a Chinese Poll Tax Heritage Trust. But people who paid the tax were not personally compensated.

In 2006, the Canadian Prime Minister, Stephen Harper, apologised for the Chinese head tax, offering a ''symbolic payment'' of $C20,000 to surviving payers of the tax and their spouses. An additional $C10 million was added to the $C25 million already put aside to finance cultural community improvement projects and a ''national recognition'' education program.

In 2009, the California legislature approved a bill apologising to Chinese Americans for racist laws dating from the 1852 foreign miners' tax aimed at Chinese immigrants, to other laws such as the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act passed by the US Congress. The bill also recognises the contributions that Chinese immigrants made to the state, particularly their work on the Transcontinental Railroad.

Surely, it is past time that this issue be addressed and redressed in Australia. At a conference organised by the Chinese Community Council of Australia, on the theme of ''Finding the Chinese Australian Voice'', the following resolution was passed: "That this conference resolves to ask the CCCA national executive to Lambing Flalook into the Lambing Flat incident and other discriminatory policies against the Chinese with the possibility of asking the Australian government for an apology and to acknowledge the contributions of Chinese Australians."

The Chinese Australian community, which comprises about 3 per cent of Australia's population, is a diverse group ranging from those whose forebears came to this country in the 1800s to those who have arrived in recent decades. For those whose ancestors came in those early years and suffered all sorts of insults and indignities, let those who arrived more recently appreciate what the community suffered for them to now be equals in a multicultural Australia.

The China of today is not the same China that the early Chinese came from and the Australia of today is also not the one our forebears came to.

It is time for Chinese Australians to shake off the vestiges of the White Australia Policy and the mantle of inferiority and play a greater role in the public life of Australia. I would like to think that history is important and that the Chinese at Lambing Flat did not suffer in vain.

Daphne Lowe Kelley is president of the Chinese Heritage Association of Australia and the 2011 recipient of the NSW Premier's Jack Wong Sue Award for Voluntary Service Beyond the Chinese Community. Her grandfather came to Australia more than a century ago.

Daphne Lowe Kelley

June 30, 2011

Opinion